The Athenian golden age of the 5th
Century BC embodied democracy in its purest incarnation. Though a
significant percent of the population couldn't vote, those who could
wielded substantial input in the actions of their government. Yet,
even a true democracy, one in which citizens voted on specific
proposals, the administration of the Athenian empire required
officials. In Athens the majority of officials were chosen by
pulling different colored beans for a jar, by lot, and were replaced
in the same way. Those lucky or unlucky to be chosen (given ones preference) were meticulously observed by the voting population of
Athens, because the citizens understood their government was of the
people, by the people and for the people. So the Athenian's devised
a creative policy for holding their own citizen's accountable.
From 488 BC – 417 BC the Athenian's
used the policy of ostracism to maintain the peace and manage the
powerful. Once a year citizens voted whether to send one person into
a temporary exile of ten years. Though it was not explicitly for the
purpose of sending away politicians, these were the preferred target
of ostracism. By nonpermanent banishment Athens was able to maintain
consensus in politics, forcing out divisive figures, but also able to
punish politicians who performed poorly in their duty. At the end of
a magistrate's term the citizens questioned whether the official had
succeeded or lead the city astray, and rewarded or punished him
accordingly.
The purpose of this article isn't to
recommend the United States institute the policy of ostracism. As a
continent spanning nation, our size prohibits the personal knowledge
the ancient citizens of Athens could obtain about each other. But
more critically, no citizen should be able to exile a politician in
the United States, because no public citizen can successfully
evaluate the success or failure, the corruption or virtue of the
highest officers of the land. The complexity of international
relations, the economy, and military affairs have compounded
exponentially since the country's birth, thus stifling understanding,
but more insidiously, modern government operates under such secrecy
the public can't possibly know what has been done by whom. A
Republic, even more than a Democracy, rests upon officials, and a
Republic fails when candidates hide behind an opaque screen of
deception and misinformation. Without proper transparency of elected
officials there can be no accountability, and no democracy.
Candidate Trump recently criticized the
United States for failing to launch a secret attack upon the ISIS
stronghold of Mosul, as if a combined assault composed of fifty
thousand soldiers from five different nations could be prepared
without an enemy noticing. Large scale military options remain
helpfully obvious, but in the last century the United States has
authorized three agencies whose very mission is incompatible with the
promise of democracy.
The FBI, founded in 1908, has been
complicit in a dismaying number of cases of attempting to destroy
groups considered subversive such as the the Civil Rights Movement,
the NAACP, progressive student groups, and anti-war organizations.
They've mostly avoided recent attention, until their director James
Comey thoughtlessly vacillated while overseeing an investigation into
Senator Clinton's emails, unable to determine how to proceed as to
avoid political repercussions. While transparency of candidates is
important, the vague wording of Comey's letter to Congress obfuscated
the very transparency he hoped to foster.
The CIA, formed two years after World
War II, came under review after the Iraq war. “After”, is a
precarious word, because the war continues, and one could imagine
that United State's forces will remain for another decade at least.
The CIA, operating a number of black site prisons, committed actions
banned by both United States and international law. Working through
cynical, legalistic loopholes, and with the full knowledge of the
President, the CIA tortured foreigners, but not on US territory.
United States law does not permit the public to learn about what
happened at these heinous locations, yet some of the illegal
techniques of the CIA were recorded. In 2009 the Senate Intelligence
Committee learned that the CIA had destroyed almost one hundred
videos of interrogations completed during President Bush's War on
Terror (2001 through 2006). It began an investigation which resulted
in a report. The completed document was released in 2012, but not to
the public. A declassified edition wasn't made available to the
public until 2014, and this summary contained only one tenth of the
complete file.
In compiling the report, the Senate
Intelligence Committee was lied to by the CIA director, and
determined the CIA had also lied to the President about how serious
the torture was, its effectiveness, and the number of detainees. As
the Committee tried to conclude their research, they were impeded by
CIA agents, who destroyed evidence and hacked the Committee's files.
The director of the CIA refused to apologize to the Senate for these
unforgivable breaches.
The conclusion is, the public is not
allowed to know what was done, or who authorized it. And likely, no
one alive today will ever know. The elected officials who are
supposed to oversee secrecy must fight for every truth from the
agencies who are supposedly dedicated to protecting the United
States.
In 2013, the NSA (founded in 1952) was
revealed to be conducting a number of programs of dubious
constitutional value, likely violating the 4th amendments
right for persons to be secure in their effects, protected from
unreasonable searches, and requiring probable cause for a warrant.
The NSA's dragnet surveillance, which collected American phone call
data and monitored public internet communications certainly violated
citizen rights, even if Congress passed a law justifying their
actions. The court responsible for approving warrants, FISA
court, is a secret body whose judgments are also secret, and
never seen by the public. But it has approved 33,889 of the 33,900
requests made over the last 33 years. While is says it's requests
receive a high level of scrutiny, because the request, deliberation,
and verdict are secret it's impossible for the public to judge.
While the NSA has claimed secrecy is
necessary for security, the director
Keith Alexander was caught lying when he told a Senate
committee that the NSA had stopped
54 attacks. In fact, they had only stopped two or three, and
only one of these used the meta-data the NSA collected. The NSA also
secretly compelled an undisclosed number of internet and phone
companies to collect data for them. Considering recent revelations
about Yahoo's
spying for the government, the programs undoubtedly continue.
If these agencies are going to claim so
much secrecy is necessary for halting terrorism, they could at least
have proven themselves by preventing the rampages at San Bernardino,
the Orlando Night Club, the Aurora theatre, Fort Hood, Newtown, CT,
and Virginia Tech. It's not like they haven't had their
opportunities to halt domestic terrorism. And if they can't stop
these, how can the public expect them to stop sophisticated enemies?
Instead the public is left to wonder
what they are doing, when they aren't spying on or harassing
citizens. These agencies work under such secrecy, it is difficult
for their overseers in the Senate and the White House to monitor
them. And the public will never to be able to oversee the overseers.
Who watches the Watchmen? With no public oversight there is no
responsibility and no democracy.
The United States doesn't need to
ostracize politicians to solve its problems, but as long as it
continues to embrace pervasive secrecy the United States can never be
a democracy. It can never achieve the ideals which it was founded
on, and it can never be a world leader for freedom, peace, and
justice.
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